Social activist Anna Hazare threatened to resume his hunger strike against corruption Thursday, after negotiations broke down between the government and the self-appointed representatives of "civil society," the BBC reported.
Hazare, who undertook a anti-graft hunger strike in April, said he would resume his fast on 16 August, according to the BBC.
The nuts and bolts don't bear much scrutiny, at this point, but the gist is that the government is resisting calls to place the prime minister under the ambit of the Lokpal, or ombudsman. And Anna's civil society crew say that the watchdog will be nothing but a Jokepal if it's not allowed to poke into the PM's business, too. So far, it doesn't seem like there's any interest in a compromise that might make the PM accountable and prevent a hostile ombudsman's office from bringing the government to a standstill — such as making the PM's office subject to Lokpal investigation after his or her term is over.
But as the always interesting P. Sainath points out, the real question here might well be "Who are these guys to start passing laws?" I thoroughly recommend reading the whole article, and as many of Sainath's columns you have time for, here. But I'll give you a taste.
Here's Sainath doing his thing:
February 2011 saw one of the largest rallies staged in Delhi in years. Lakhs (i.e. hundreds of thousands) of workers from nine central trade unions — including the Congress party's INTUC — hit the streets to protest against rising food prices and unemployment. This was many times bigger than the very modest numbers at Anna Hazare's fast and larger than Ramdev's rollicking ‘yoga camp.' These were workers and unions not linked to the state. Not market-driven. Not corporate-funded. And expressing clearly the interests and values of their members. In fact, fitting some classic definitions of ‘civil society.' The rally was covered by the BBC, Reuters and AFP but was mostly invisible in mainstream Indian media except when attacked for creating traffic jams.
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Theory aside, civil society in India seems defined by exclusion. It is crowded with human rights lawyers and activists, NGO leaders, academics and intellectuals, high-profile journalists, celebrities and think tank-hirelings. Mass media debates never see landless labourers, displaced people, nurses, trade union workers, bus conductors being asked to speak for ‘civil society.' Though, indeed they should.
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