The “Cartel of the Suns” is one of those names that sounds straight out of a narco thriller. But in Venezuela, the term grew out of real investigations into corruption inside the nation’s armed forces.
The name first emerged in the 1990s, when journalists uncovered drug-trafficking links involving high-ranking Venezuelan military officers. These generals wore “soles” — sun-shaped stars — on their shoulders, signifying their rank. The more suns displayed, the higher the position. Reporters adopted the term Cartel de los Soles, or Cartel of the Suns, to describe a group of officers believed to be involved in the drug trade.
Three decades later, the phrase is back in the headlines. The Trump administration has now designated the Cartel of the Suns as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) — placing it on the same list as ISIS and al-Qaeda. US officials say members of Venezuela’s military and political elite are connected to cocaine trafficking and pose a threat to US national security.
But analysts who study the group say the “cartel” label itself is misleading.

A criminal cartel usually refers to a cohesive, hierarchical organization — one with clear leadership, a chain of command and centralized control over drug production and trafficking. Experts say the Cartel of the Suns is not made up of such a structure.
Jeremy McDermott, co-director of InsightCrime, says that the name today describes something broader and more diffuse: a set of military and political actors who profit from illicit activities with the protection of the state.
“It’s a corrupt system that allows different regime figures, mainly in the military, to engage in drug trafficking, gold smuggling and all sorts of contraband,” McDermott said. “And in return, they are invested in maintaining the Maduro regime.”
Under former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, the term referred mostly to unconnected cells of military officers engaged in trafficking. Under President Nicolás Maduro, McDermott said, it has evolved into a “system of hybrid criminal governance,” where illicit economies are used to ensure political loyalty and sustain the government’s hold on power.
The Trump administration has repeatedly claimed that Maduro, himself, is the head of the cartel and has offered a $50 million reward for information leading to his capture. But McDermott rejects that characterization.

“Maduro’s not the head of the Cartel of the Suns, because the Cartel of the Suns doesn’t exist — certainly not as presented,” he explained. “If anyone is more directly involved, it’s Maduro’s number two, Diosdado Cabello.”
While the nature of the group is debated, Venezuelan investigative journalist Ronna Rísquez says there is abundant evidence of a trafficking structure within the state.
“There is a structure linked to drug trafficking operating in Venezuela for many years,” she said.
Some officers accused of trafficking have been promoted rather than dismissed. Former Venezuelan officials arrested abroad are now cooperating with US prosecutors, providing additional insight into how illicit networks function within state institutions.
The US terrorism designation comes at a time when Washington has dramatically increased its military presence in the Caribbean, including deploying the world’s largest aircraft carrier. US forces have carried out more than 20 strikes on boats that they say were transporting drugs linked to Venezuelan networks.

And some US officials argue that labeling the Cartel of the Suns a terrorist organization strengthens the case for even more aggressive action.
But legal experts say that interpretation is incorrect — and dangerous.
Under US law, Foreign Terrorist Organizations are defined by politically motivated violence against civilians. Drug-trafficking networks — even violent ones — are generally motivated by profit, not ideology.
“We’re talking about politically motivated, significant violence against non-combatants when we talk about terrorism,” said Rebecca Ingber, a professor at Cardozo Law School and a former attorney at the US Department of State. “We’re not talking about criminal businesses.”
The FTO designation carries significant consequences: sanctions, immigration restrictions and criminal penalties for providing “material support.” But it does not authorize the use of military force.
“An FTO designation does not make an organization a lawful target for the use of force,” Ingber said. “It does not mean the United States is in an armed conflict with that group.”

Ryan Goodman, a former special counsel at the Pentagon, explained why the legal limits are so firm.
“There’s nothing that transforms an organization into something that’s militarily targetable just because it’s designated a foreign terrorist organization,” he said.
Under international law, the US could only use force in self-defense — after an armed attack. Drug trafficking does not meet that standard.
The Trump administration has already labeled several cartels in Mexico and Ecuador as terrorist groups. Goodman said this pattern points to a broader shift in US strategy — an attempt to merge counterterrorism authorities with counter-narcotics operations.

He believes the administration is trying “to claim extraordinary emergency powers to militarize the whole orientation of US policy around narcotics.
The move also affects relationships with neighboring countries.
Mexico, for example, recently rejected US proposals for potential military strikes against cartels inside its territory.
The Maduro government has condemned the US designation, calling it an attack on Venezuelan sovereignty and accusing Washington of preparing the ground for intervention. Maduro has appeared on state television urging dialogue while denouncing what he calls US aggression.
Inside Washington, people familiar with internal discussions say the administration does not yet have a clear long-term strategy — whether that means negotiating access to Venezuela’s oil sector, pressuring Maduro to step aside, or taking a more confrontational approach.
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